The Syntax of Existential Constructions: The Spoken Israeli Hebrew Perspective - Part II: Negative Existential Constructions and Non-Presentative Uses of Existential Constituents
This study, in two parts, endeavors a novel analysis of existential constructions, based on a different theoretical setting of clause structure, where the predicate is taken as a necessary and sufficient constituent of the clause. Leaning on this perception, the analyses of existential constructions...
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas
2022
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| author | Izre'el, Shlomo Izre'el, Shlomo |
| author_facet | Izre'el, Shlomo Izre'el, Shlomo |
| author_sort | Izre'el, Shlomo |
| collection | Portal da Incubadora de Periódicos Científicos, Acadêmicos e Educacionais |
| container_reference | Journal of Speech Sciences; Vol. 11 (2022); e022002 |
| description | This study, in two parts, endeavors a novel analysis of existential constructions, based on a different theoretical setting of clause structure, where the predicate is taken as a necessary and sufficient constituent of the clause. Leaning on this perception, the analyses of existential constructions developed here tries to overcome the discrepancy between form and (semantic and informational) meaning in Hebrew existential constructions. Part I of the study dealt with affirmative existential-presentative constructions, used to introduce referents into the discourse. Most of the constructions were analyzed as consisting of an existential constituent, viewed as a modal marker, and a pivot, regarded as the core component of the predicate domain. This analysis was shown to be valid for both the existential marker jeʃ and for its suppletive verbal forms, derived from √hjj ‘be’. Thus, presentative-existential sentences are formed as unipartite sentences, consisting of only a predicate domain. Part II deals with other existential constructions, including negative constructions; bipartite existential sentences; existential constituents as sole constituents in a sentence; existential constituents with clitic referential markers; and the use of the existential markers as interjections or discourse markers. |
| first_indexed | 2025-10-08T14:28:16Z |
| format | Online |
| id | ojs-article-16183 |
| institution | Universidade Estadual de Campinas |
| issn | 2236-9740 |
| language | eng |
| last_indexed | 2025-10-08T14:28:16Z |
| publishDate | 2022 |
| publisher | Universidade Estadual de Campinas |
| record_format | ojs |
| spelling | ojs-article-161832022-11-16T12:50:25Z The Syntax of Existential Constructions: The Spoken Israeli Hebrew Perspective - Part II: Negative Existential Constructions and Non-Presentative Uses of Existential Constituents The syntax of existential constructions: the ppoken Israeli Hebrew perspective - Part II: Negative Existential Constructions and non-presentative uses of Existential Constituents Izre'el, Shlomo Izre'el, Shlomo Existential constructions Clause structure Spontaneous spoken language Prosody Israeli hebrew This study, in two parts, endeavors a novel analysis of existential constructions, based on a different theoretical setting of clause structure, where the predicate is taken as a necessary and sufficient constituent of the clause. Leaning on this perception, the analyses of existential constructions developed here tries to overcome the discrepancy between form and (semantic and informational) meaning in Hebrew existential constructions. Part I of the study dealt with affirmative existential-presentative constructions, used to introduce referents into the discourse. Most of the constructions were analyzed as consisting of an existential constituent, viewed as a modal marker, and a pivot, regarded as the core component of the predicate domain. This analysis was shown to be valid for both the existential marker jeʃ and for its suppletive verbal forms, derived from √hjj ‘be’. Thus, presentative-existential sentences are formed as unipartite sentences, consisting of only a predicate domain. Part II deals with other existential constructions, including negative constructions; bipartite existential sentences; existential constituents as sole constituents in a sentence; existential constituents with clitic referential markers; and the use of the existential markers as interjections or discourse markers. This study, in two parts, endeavors a novel analysis of existential constructions, based on a different theoretical setting of clause structure, where the predicate is taken as a necessary and sufficient constituent of the clause. Leaning on this perception, the analyses of existential constructions developed here tries to overcome the discrepancy between form and (semantic and informational) meaning in Hebrew existential constructions. Part I of the study dealt with affirmative existential-presentative constructions, used to introduce referents into the discourse. Most of the constructions were analyzed as consisting of an existential constituent, viewed as a modal marker, and a pivot, regarded as the core component of the predicate domain. This analysis was shown to be valid for both the existential marker jeʃ and for its suppletive verbal forms, derived from √hjj ‘be’. Thus, presentative-existential sentences are formed as unipartite sentences, consisting of only a predicate domain. Part II deals with other existential constructions, including negative constructions; bipartite existential sentences; existential constituents as sole constituents in a sentence; existential constituents with clitic referential markers; and the use of the existential markers as interjections or discourse markers. Universidade Estadual de Campinas 2022-07-01 info:eu-repo/semantics/article info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion Text Texto application/pdf https://econtents.sbu.unicamp.br/inpec/index.php/joss/article/view/16183 10.20396/joss.v11i00.16183 Journal of Speech Sciences; Vol. 11 (2022); e022002 Journal of Speech Science; v. 11 (2022); e022002 2236-9740 eng https://econtents.sbu.unicamp.br/inpec/index.php/joss/article/view/16183/11370 Israel; Contemporary Isrtael; Contemporâneo Copyright (c) 2022 Shlomo Izre'el https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ |
| spellingShingle | Izre'el, Shlomo Izre'el, Shlomo Existential constructions Clause structure Spontaneous spoken language Prosody Israeli hebrew The Syntax of Existential Constructions: The Spoken Israeli Hebrew Perspective - Part II: Negative Existential Constructions and Non-Presentative Uses of Existential Constituents |
| title | The Syntax of Existential Constructions: The Spoken Israeli Hebrew Perspective - Part II: Negative Existential Constructions and Non-Presentative Uses of Existential Constituents |
| title_full | The Syntax of Existential Constructions: The Spoken Israeli Hebrew Perspective - Part II: Negative Existential Constructions and Non-Presentative Uses of Existential Constituents |
| title_fullStr | The Syntax of Existential Constructions: The Spoken Israeli Hebrew Perspective - Part II: Negative Existential Constructions and Non-Presentative Uses of Existential Constituents |
| title_full_unstemmed | The Syntax of Existential Constructions: The Spoken Israeli Hebrew Perspective - Part II: Negative Existential Constructions and Non-Presentative Uses of Existential Constituents |
| title_short | The Syntax of Existential Constructions: The Spoken Israeli Hebrew Perspective - Part II: Negative Existential Constructions and Non-Presentative Uses of Existential Constituents |
| title_sort | syntax of existential constructions: the spoken israeli hebrew perspective - part ii: negative existential constructions and non-presentative uses of existential constituents |
| topic | Existential constructions Clause structure Spontaneous spoken language Prosody Israeli hebrew |
| url | https://econtents.sbu.unicamp.br/inpec/index.php/joss/article/view/16183 |
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